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The Role of Young Women in Joseph Smith's Plural Marriages

Understanding the documented ages, consent, and circumstances of women in early Mormon polygamy.

By Garret Merkley · Explainer · Jun 18, 2026
Branched from Joseph Smith's Role in Introducing Plural Marriage to Early Mormonism
Quick take
  • Joseph Smith married at least 30 women between 1835 and 1844, including girls as young as 14.
  • Historical records show most young wives had limited choice; some marriages were kept secret from Emma Smith.
  • These unions were framed theologically as 'eternal sealings' rather than marriages for procreation or household management.
  • The practice created lasting trauma and legal complications that shaped early Mormon history and community conflict.

Young women in Joseph Smith's plural marriages were not passive bystanders but central figures in a religious practice that reshaped early Mormonism. Between 1835 and 1844, Smith married at least 30 women—roughly a third of them in their teens—as part of what he called 'celestial marriage' or 'eternal sealing.' These unions were documented in diaries, affidavits, and church records, creating a historical record that reveals the ages, family circumstances, and often the coerced nature of consent. Understanding their role requires looking at who these women were, how they were recruited, what they were promised, and what happened to them after Smith's death.

Who Were These Women?

Smith's plural wives came from diverse backgrounds. Some were daughters of prominent church leaders—a pattern that bound families to Smith's authority and theological vision. Others were recent converts, vulnerable women without strong family ties in the community. A significant portion were teenagers: Lucy Walker was 17 when sealed to Smith; Helen Kimball was 14; Almera Woodruff was 14; Nancy Winchester was 14; and Olive Frost was likely 15. Adult women in their 20s, 30s, and 40s made up the remainder. Many were already married to other men when sealed to Smith, a practice called 'polyandry' that created legal and social confusion. Some women came from poor families; others from prosperous ones. What united them was proximity to Smith's inner circle and, in most cases, limited ability to refuse a religious leader's proposal.

How Were They Recruited and What Were They Told?

Smith typically approached young women or their parents directly, often in private settings. He framed the proposal in theological terms: eternal sealing was necessary for the highest degree of heaven, and he—as the prophet—held the keys to perform it. For teenage girls, parental consent was often sought, and parents were told that refusing Smith's proposal risked their family's salvation. Smith also taught that women could not enter heaven without being sealed to a man, creating spiritual pressure to accept. In several documented cases, women reported being told that refusing Smith would result in their destruction or damnation. The practice was kept secret from Emma Smith (his first wife) and from the broader church membership, with explicit instruction not to speak of it. This secrecy itself signaled that the marriages existed in a moral gray zone that church leaders knew would not withstand public scrutiny.

Young women were given different assurances about what these marriages meant. Some were told the sealing was purely spiritual and would not involve sexual relations. Others understood they were entering into full marriages. Contemporary accounts and later testimonies from women like Helen Kimball and Lucy Walker indicate confusion and distress about the expectations. Helen Kimball, sealed to Smith at 14, later wrote that she felt deceived about the nature of the union. The theological language—'eternal sealing,' 'celestial marriage'—obscured the practical reality that these were marriages in Smith's household, with all the accompanying domestic and intimate expectations.

The Power Imbalance and Question of Consent

Historians emphasize that consent in these circumstances was severely compromised. Smith held absolute religious authority—he claimed to speak for God. Young women and their families believed that refusing him risked their eternal salvation. There was no institutional check on his power, no oversight, no way to appeal. Parents who might have protected their daughters were themselves believers in Smith's prophetic mission, making them reluctant to refuse. The secrecy meant women could not easily consult with peers or seek outside counsel. In modern terms, these conditions—authority imbalance, spiritual coercion, isolation, and the involvement of minors—would constitute abuse. Historians like Newell and Avery, who interviewed descendants and studied primary documents, found that many women experienced these marriages as traumatic, even if they did not always use that language at the time. Some young women reported feeling trapped between filial duty, religious conviction, and their own instincts.

Why This Matters and What Changed After Smith's Death

The role of young women in Smith's plural marriages matters because it reveals the human cost of religious innovation and the vulnerability of believers to charismatic authority. These women's experiences shaped the trajectory of Mormonism: their testimonies, written years later, became evidence in legal cases and historical inquiries. The practice also created deep trauma within families. Emma Smith's anguish over her husband's secret marriages fueled conflict within the church. Children born to Smith and plural wives had uncertain legal status and inheritance rights. After Smith's execution in 1844, many of these young women faced difficult choices: some followed Brigham Young to Utah and continued in polygamy; others left the church or joined the Reorganized Latter Day Saint Church, which rejected plural marriage. Their later accounts—letters, diaries, affidavits given in court—became crucial historical evidence that forced the LDS Church to eventually acknowledge the practice and, in 1890, officially discontinue it.

The long-term impact on these women varied. Some found stability and community in Utah under the polygamous system. Others suffered poverty, abandonment, or social ostracism. Many experienced psychological distress related to the secret nature of their unions and the loss of a husband's full attention and resources. Their children sometimes grew up uncertain of their paternity or inheritance. The legal complications were profound: when Smith died, his plural wives had no legal claim to his estate, and their children had no recognized father. This injustice motivated some women to give testimony in later legal proceedings, seeking recognition and compensation. Their voices, preserved in historical archives, now provide essential documentation of how charismatic religious authority can be weaponized against the vulnerable.

Key Ages and Names (Documented Plural Wives)
  • Helen Mar Kimball—sealed to Smith at age 14 in 1843
  • Lucy Walker—sealed to Smith at age 17 in 1843
  • Almera Woodruff—sealed to Smith at age 14 in 1843
  • Nancy Winchester—sealed to Smith at age 14 in 1842
  • Olive Frost—sealed to Smith at age 15 in 1843
  • Rhoda Richards—sealed to Smith in her 20s, while already married to another man
  • Patty Bartlett Sessions—sealed to Smith at age 46 in 1842, while married to David Sessions
How do historians know the ages and details of these marriages?
Multiple sources confirm the details: contemporary diaries and journals kept by church leaders, affidavits given by the women themselves (often decades later), genealogical records, and church records that Smith's successors maintained. Historians like Newell and Avery conducted extensive interviews with descendants and compiled cross-referenced documentation. While some details remain disputed, the core facts—ages, names, and existence of the marriages—are well-established in peer-reviewed historical scholarship.
Did these young women have any say in whether they married Smith?
Technically, yes—but the circumstances made refusal extremely difficult. Parents had authority over teenage daughters and often encouraged acceptance. Spiritual pressure was intense: women were told that refusing Smith's proposal endangered their salvation. There was no appeal process and no protection from church leadership. Historical accounts from women like Helen Kimball indicate they felt coerced, even if they formally consented. Modern scholars classify this as consent under duress.
What happened to these women after Smith died in 1844?
Their fates varied. Some traveled to Utah with Brigham Young and continued in the polygamous system. Others left the church entirely or joined the Reorganized Latter Day Saint Church (now the Community of Christ), which rejected polygamy. Many faced financial hardship because they had no legal claim to Smith's estate or property. Some gave testimony in legal proceedings decades later, seeking recognition and compensation. Their descendants became important historical witnesses, preserving accounts of what happened to them.
Why did Smith marry young women if the church later abandoned polygamy?
Smith framed plural marriage as a restored biblical principle necessary for salvation. He believed he had a divine mandate. However, the practice was deeply controversial even within early Mormonism—Emma Smith opposed it strongly, and many members were horrified when they learned about it. After Smith's death, the practice continued under Brigham Young but eventually became untenable due to legal pressure, federal prosecution, and internal dissent. The LDS Church officially discontinued it in 1890, acknowledging that it could not be sustained in American society.
How do modern Mormons view this history?
The LDS Church officially acknowledges that Joseph Smith practiced polygamy, including with young women, though it emphasizes that the full extent of the practice was not widely known at the time. Some members view it as a historical tragedy; others see it as a misunderstood religious principle. The Community of Christ and other Latter Day Saint denominations explicitly reject it. Academic historians across denominations treat it as a documented historical fact that warrants serious ethical analysis. Public opinion, even among Latter Day Saints, has shifted significantly toward viewing the practice as harmful and unethical.

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